by Bernard Fontaine

Georgia - the abyss that stood between St. Augustine, the northern-most outpost of the Spanish empire which was established in 1565, and Charles Town (Charleston, SC), the southern-most outpost of the British, colonies in North America, which was established in 1670, was a veritable no-mans land for approximately sixty years (1670-1733). During this period, the abyss served as a useful buffer zone which was crossed from time to time by these European powers in their quest to gain hegemony.1 The buffer zone had first become important in South Carolina during the Yemassee War of 1715-1718, when the Catawba, Cherokee, Yemassee and Appalachicola Indians continually raided the weakly defended plantations of the Carolinas. By 1718, the northern Indians (Catawbas and Cherokees) were compelled to give allegiance to the English Colony. The Appalachicola and the Yamassee continued to raid the Carolina plantations. They received support, encouragement and refuge from the Spaniards in their home territory of Florida.2

That was the status of the lands between the Carolina plantations and the enemy when a totally unrelated event occurred in England which would lead to the absorption of this wilderness into the British colonies. In 1729, the House of Commons investigated conditions in several of England's debtors prisons. The Chairman of the Committee, James Oglethorpe, approached another committee member, John Viscount Percival (later to be the Earl of Egmont) with a proposition to save those wretched souls and relieve the burden on England by settling these debtors in America.3 Similar proposals had been voiced by Joshua Gee when he suggested sending convicts, vagrants and other useless people to the southern frontier where they could raise silk.4 Jean Pierre Purry of Switzerland had suggested making land available in America to provide a refuge to the Protestants who were being persecuted by the Archbishop of Salzburg.5 Oglethorpe, a man of action, became the leader of the group which would become known as the "Trustees" (Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America). This group of wealthy Londoners used their influence to prevail upon the King to grant them a charter to receive contributions from the public and to legislate for the colony's government for a period of twenty one years, after which responsibility would revert to the crown.6 The boundaries of the new colony would be the Savannah River on the north, the Altamaha River on the south and the Mississippi river on the west.

This then was the genesis. The need to advance British mercantilism (to make money), the need to strengthen the southern frontier, and the effort to help the unfortunate all led to the closing of the abyss.

THE PROPOSAL FOR GEORGIA

It can be readily discerned from the situation described above that the settling of Georgia, the newest of the British colonies, would require an approach which was considerably different from the experiences of the earlier English colonist in North America. It was the role of strategic defense against the Spaniards and the more distant French who were encroaching from the south and the west respectively. The settlers would immediately be called upon to form a militia force which would be required to stop such encroachment and deal with usual security problems posed by native American forces (Indians). That militia, which today is known as the Georgia National Guard, uses the heroic "minuteman" as its symbol and touts its heroics at the Battle of Bloody Marsh. While this may make good press, it too does little justice to the facts or to those who did live, to paraphrase Hobbes, a nasty, brutish and short life with little glamour but considerable danger.

The proposal for the establishment of the colony is detailed in Some Accounts, by Oglethorpe. This monograph, is reminiscent of and probably inspired in part by, Plato's Republic and Laws. Oglethorpe specified that only married men (to secure against land abandonment) who were between 17 and 45 years of age and willing to take up arms and be exercised for that purpose would be allowed passage. The settler must agree to remain for at least three years and he must grow at least one hundred white mulberry trees on every ten acres. Land could not be sold or mortgaged. Slaves and rum were not allowed in the colony. The tradition of primogeniture was followed. This is the feudal tradition where the oldest son inherits the entire family estate (thus keeping each large landholding intact). The practice was commonly called "tail male" in Georgia. Its intent was similar to that of feudal times. The indigent were to be provided with passage, provisions for one year and fifty acres of land. Those who paid their own way would be allocated five hundred acres of land.7 Considering the alternatives, the Earl of Egmont indicates in his diary that there was no shortage of men to choose from. After the signing of the Charter by King George IIon March 21, 1732, preparations moved forward rapidly. The first ship weighed anchor on November 17 from Gravesend.8 The establishment of a defensive screen of white, Protestant yeoman farmers along the southern frontier was started. Interestingly, blacks, like mules, were considered well suited to the hard labor of developing land in these warm climates, but their very utility lent itself to the development of plantations with few white defenders and many slaves to be guarded -- task which had weakened the security of the colony of South Carolina. All Georgia setters were expected to be white and Protestant, and slavery was -- at least officially -- prohibited. "Papists" (Catholics) and Jews were returned to England or imprisoned.

The story of the settling of Georgia usually begins with the arrival of the original 112 charitable settlers on the Ann10, a two hundred ton frigate which also carried ten tons of Alderman Parson's best beer (according to Gentlemens Magazine, II (1732) 1029, 1079-80). These settlers did NOT land on the high pine bluff above the Savannah River as is often supposed (e. g. Temple, xv). The Ann actually sighted land on January 13, 1733 at Charles Town and adjusted course south toward Port Royal.11 At this point the story is best told in first hand accounts of Peter Gordon. Gordon was one of the first civil officers (Bailiff and Conservator) appointed by the Trustees in November of 1732.12 On December 28, Gordon had also been appointed as one of the first four "Tything Men," a militia squad leader and (concurrently) a civil peace officer. As such, he was a charter member of the first militia -- an organization that had been planned in England and established before the Ann ever sighted North America. In his Journal,13 Gordon writes that upon arrival at Port Royal Island (Beaufort, S. C.), the settlers unloaded the ship by the use of large, flat bottom, two masted boats called "piraguas". The settlers were placed in the recently built Fort Frederick and there, Gordon's Tythings mounted their first guard. That Saturday, January 27, 1733. It was the first guard mount of the first Georgia Militia unit. On the following Tuesday, the 30th, the piraguas were loaded and the trip by the inland waterways to Georgia was started. The settlers arrived at Yamacraw Bluff (present day Savannah) on February 1, 1733.14

THE MILITIA, PLAN VS. REALITY

The plan for the military organization of Georgia was laid out in detail by General James Oglethorpe in Some Accounts. The settlers were to be divided into units of one hundred families with one constable over each one hundred. The hundred were to be divided into "laths" of 25 men, one a constable and the remainder forming two "tythings: of twelve men each."15

This organization was to be applied to the following political structure: the TOWN would consist of 125 families with 20 outlying VILLAGES (laths) of 25 families assigned to each. This unit of one town and 20 villages would provide the basis for each militia battalion of 625 men.16 This system of tything was developed in the early middle ages in England where such groups of ten men were responsible to the lord of the manor.17 Oglethorpe notes the history of tything when he wrote: ". . . that great Prince Aelfrid (sic) by dividing England into hundreds secured the public peace so well that an unarmed man loaded with gold might safely have traveled from one end of England to the other." It was quite neat in theory (and all quite similar to Plato's Laws).

In the real world of the abyss on the southern frontier, neither the number of settlers nor the military needs fit this neat geometric pattern. Oglethorpe, as a tactician of some skill, quickly adapted to the real needs. The need for on-site control of these Tythingmen, who performed both civil and military duties, had been the subject of considerable discussion when the Charter was being drafted.19 King George II wanted to retain over-all control, so he placed the militia under the command of the Governor of South Carolina -- a change that the Trustees took exception to, but in the interest of expediting the design, they acquiesced.20 Their point, that the exigencies of the frontier and the need for a single authority for civil and military matters, was valid. It as case of de facto command with a studious disregard of the de jure authority. This action, necessary as it was, caused considerable ill will with Governor Broughton of South Carolina. It was to cause a schism that would leave Oglethorpe with a rather undependable ally.

The landing at Savannah was certainly a military operation. "The Indians came with their King, Queen, and Mr. Musgrove, the Indian trader and interpreter, along with him (sic) to pay their compliments to Mr. Oglethorpe, and to welcome us to Yamacraw."21 Oglethorpe returned the compliment, developing a strong tie with Chief Tomochichi and the Yamacraw Indians. These faithful allies were to serve Oglethorpe well through the critical formative years of the colony.

The first week of the colony's activities is clearly described by the diarist, Gordon. On Monday, the 5th, Gordon notes, Colonel Bull of South Carolina arrived, having been sent by the governor to assist the new colony. On Wednesday, the 7th, work began on the ditches and palisades for the first fortification. On Friday, the 9th, the arms and equipment were issued to the Tythings. The Tythings stood guard every fourth night but they were still expected to be in formation in front of Oglethorpe's tent at six o'clock the following morning ready to report to work. This peace was maintained for six days a week throughout this period.22 On Sunday, March 4, the Tythings were ordered out to the woods under arms for some marksmanship training. From this time on, Oglethorpe insisted upon a strict regimen of work, military training and military operations (such as patrols and probes) to maintain the defense of the colony. Oglethoxpe even provided "a turkey and some other things of value" to enhance competition -- it was Georgia's first turkey shoot.23

The work of the militia in the Savannah area was short lived. The strategic requirement called for placing these yeomen farmer-militiamen as far forward as possible, thus creating a screening force to provide early warning to Savannah and to the three thousand men of the South Carolina Militia. Accordingly, men were sent to establish outposts up the Savannah River (Fort Augusta), to the southwest along the Ogeechee River, and to the south at the mouth of the Altamaha River. To supplement these fixed outposts, Oglethorpe signed on two Militia Companies of Indians consisting of "forty very clever men" which he paid one bushel of corn per month.24

The earliest of these outposts was Fort Argyle (named for Oglethorpe's friend, the Duke of Argyle). This fort was built on the only bluff along the Ogeechee, at a point some three miles upstream from its confluence with Canoochee Creek, on what is now part of Fort Stewart, Georgia. This wooden stockade fort, with its protective moat was built, not by militiamen, but by full-time Rangers from South Carolina under the command of Captain James McPherson, a forty-five year old native of South Carolina who had six year's experience serving in the militia during the Yemassee War.25 The design of Fort Argyle was similar to that proposed in Oglethorpe's Some Accounts. It is further described by Oglethorpe26 as being 110 feet square with a moat that was four to five feet deep and fifteen feet wide. The berm formed from the excavation formed the inner wall. Pointed logs formed the exterior wall. Bastions protruded out from each corner to allow the cannon placed there to rack the outer palisade wall. Twelve buildings were constructed inside the fortification. In September, Oglethorpe sent six families to complete the fort and farm the adjacent land. At this point Captain McPherson was ordered to split his 20-man ranger force in half and build a new fort further up the Ogeechee river. This then left ten rangers and six militiamen to man Fort Argyle against marauding Yemassee Indians from Florida. The fort remained in continuous use (albeit always underrnanned) until the cessation of hostilities in the latter part of 1746.27 Indeed, by the mid-1740s soldiering employed more men than any other occupation in Georgia.28 But, as the danger from hostile indians or European interlopers subsided the militia began to be considered a burden. When the British government eliminated support to the militia, the local merchants immediately pressed for the disbandment of the militia. The militia then fell into disrepute until the need arose again during the Revolutionary War.

AFTERWORD

The militia that arose during the Revolution were pure militia units, unlike the colonial melange of provincial Rangers, Militia, Indians and regular British troops (e.g. the 42nd Regiment of Foot formed in Georgia from Continental conscripts and Gibraltar misfits). That was the heroic force which met the enemy at Bloody Marsh in July of 1742. The first "battle" was a clash between a reconnaissance party of 75 Spaniards and an ad hoc reactionary force put together by Oglethorpe. The second "battle" was between a force of 150 Spaniards sent forward to cover the withdrawal of the original reconnaissance force and a like-size force of British regulars and Highlander militiamen from Darien. Three-fourths of the regulars fled under the initial fire. The Highlanders and one platoon of regulars held their position until the Spaniards withdrew. The Battle of Bloody Marsh was, in act, a minor skirmish but it was the turning point in the morale of the opposing forces, and as such it became the turning point of the war. The Highlanders of Darien are never mentioned in the modern day annals of the Georgia Militia.

The origin of the Georgia Militia was not glamorous. Like most wars (especially those generated in Hollywood) the tythings of the original militia faced the dangers of disease, drudgery and occasional battle with great resolution if not with dashing heroics. The perseverance of these militia troops who pulled double duty throughout the colonial period would lead to the success of the Revolutionary War of Independence later in the century.

1. Larry E. Ivers, British Drums on the Southern Frontier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1974), 3-9.

2. Vernon W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959), 167-183.

3. James E. Oglethorpe, Some Accounts of the Design of the Trustees for Establishing a Colony in American with a foreword by Rodney M. Baine and Phinizy Spaulding (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990), 5-6. Hereafter cited as Oglethorpe, Some Accounts.

4. Mills Lane, ed. General Oglethorpe's Georgia (Savannah: Beehive Press, 1975), xiv.

5. Trevor R. Reese, ed., The Most Delightful Country of the Universe (Savannah: Beehive Press, 1974), xii. Hereafter cited as Reese, Delightful Country.

6. Ibid., vii.

7. Allen D. Chandler and Lucian L. Knight, eds., Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (Atlanta: State of Georgia Arrhives, 1904-1917), XXVII, 30. Hereafter cited as CRG.

8. James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Nov. 18, 1732. Egmont Papers, Phillips Collection, University of Georgia. Hereafter cited as the Egmont Papers.

9. Ivers, 25, 199.

10. State Papers, Colonial Series; America and the West Indies (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1953), V, 666.

11. See Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Jan. 13, 1733, cited in Lane, 4.

12. The Journal of Peter Gordon cited in Trevor R. Reese, ed. Our First Visit to Georgia (Savannah: The Beehive Press, 1974), 11-12. Hereafter cited as Reese. Journal of Peter Gordon.

13. Ibid., 3-37.

14. Thomas Causton to his wife, March 12, 1733, the Egmont Papers, 14200, 52.

15. Reese, Journal of Peter Gordon.

16. Oglethorpe, Some Accounts.

17. Harvey H. Jackson and Phinizy Spaulding, eds., Forty Years of Diversity - Essay on Colonial Georgia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1984), 154.

18. Oglethorpe, Some Accounts.

19. Egmont Papers, diary entry for Friday, Feb. 25, 1732.

20. Ibid., entry for Sunday, April 23, 1732.

21. Reese, Journal of Peter Gordon. John Musgrove and his wife, Mary, were both part white and part Creek. They had a monopoly on trade with the Yamacraw, and they lived with the tribe.

22. Lane, 14, 15.

23. Samuel Eveleigh to the Trustees, April 6, 1733, cited in the Egmont Papers, 14200, 62.

24. Oglethorpe to the Trustees, June 9, 1733, cited in Lane, 16.

25. Ivers, 17.

26. Egmont Papers, 14200, 513.

27. Ivers, 191.

28. Ibid., 196.

Bernard Fontaine is a veteran of the Vietnam War and retired from the Georgia Army National Guard. He is a founding member of the Georgia National Guard and Militia Society.